This paper aims to discover the intersyllabic F0 transition in disyllabic sequences with 16 tonal combinations in Standard Chinese and to explore its Perception. We also examine the rising F0 part in disyllabic sequences with falling-convex tones in the Chinese dialect of Fuzhou in order to compare its behavior with the upward F0 transiton in Standard Chinese.In disyllabic sequences of Standard Chinese where the initial in the second syllable is a non-voiceless segment, F0 transition is formed in the intersyllabic portion of the two syllables. Two types of F0 transition are identified: upward F0 transition and downward F0 transition. The magnitude of F0 change in the F0 transition is about 40-60 Hz in the time course of over 100ms.The perceptual experiments show that as for disyllabic sequences of both Standard Chinese and Fuzhou dialect, information of tones is mainly carried by the syllabic vowel and its adjacent transition, while vocalic ending and nasal coda, zero initial and voiced consonantal initial are irrelevant to the perception of tonal pitch of the syllable.A acoustic analysis indicates that in VCV and VV with falling-falling tones in Standard Chinese, the amplitude of the speech waves in the second syllable is always greater in the first part of the falling F0 contour. The starting-point of the upward F0 transition occurs within the formant transition between the first and the second syllablts. The duration of the upward F0 transition measured from the starting-point is 133ms in VV, and 127ms in VCV. The upward F0 transition does not occur in the syllabic vowel, but mainly occurs on the voiced consonantal initial or the zero-initial of the second syllable, and the nasal coda or vocalic ending of the first one. Therefore it is not perceived, and so is the downward F0 transition.In VCV and VV with falling-convex tones in the Fuzhou dialect, the amplitude of the speech waves in the second syllable is often the greatest in the vicinity of the peak of the convex F0 contour. The starting-point of the rising part of F0 synchronizes with the second syllable. The durations of the rising part of F0 in the second syllable is 167ms in VCV, and 140ms in VV. The rising F0 part occurs not only on the voiced consonatal initial or zero-initial, but also on the syllabic vowel of the second syllable. Thus the rising F0 part in the second syllable is perceived.We have discussed that the theory about the tonal perception in speech propounded by D. House (1990) cannot account for why the upward F0 transition in falling-falling tones of Standard Chinese is not perceived and why the rising F0 part in falling-convex tones of Fuzhou is perceived. This paper aims to discover the intersyllabic F0 transition in disyllabic sequences with 16 tonal combinations in Standard Chinese and to explore its Perception. We also examine the rising F0 part in disyllabic sequences with falling-convex tones in the Chinese dialect of Fuzhou in order to compare its behavior with the upward F0 transiton in Standard Chinese. In disyllabic sequences of Standard Chinese where the initial in the second syllable is a non-voiceless segment, F0 transition is formed in the intersyllabic portion of the two syllables. Two types of F0 transition are identified: upward F0 transition and downward F0 transition. The magnitude of F0 change in the F0 transition is about 40-60 Hz in the time course of over 100 ms. The perceptual experiments show that as for disyllabic sequences of both Standard Chinese and Fuzhou dialect, information of tones is mainly carried by the syllabic vowel and its adjacent transition, while vocalic ending and nasal coda, zero initial and voice d consonantal initial are irrelevant to the perception of tonal pitch of the syllable. A acoustic analysis indicates that in VCV and VV with falling-falling tones in Standard Chinese, the amplitude of the speech waves in the second syllable is always greater in the first part of the falling F0 contour. The starting-point of the upward F0 transition occurs within the formant transition between the first and the second syllablts. The duration of the upward F0 transition measured from the starting-point is 133 ms in VV, and 127 ms in VCV . The upward F0 transition does not occur in the syllabic vowel, but mainly occurs on the voiced consonantal initial or the zero-initial of the second syllable, and the nasal coda or vocalic ending of the first one. so is the downward F0 transition.In VCV and VV with falling-convex tones in the Fuzhou dialect, the amplitude of the speech waves in the second syllable is often the greatest in the vicinity of the peak of the coThe starting-point of the rising part of F0 synchronizes with the second syllable. The durations of the rising part of F0 in the second syllable is 167ms in VCV, and 140ms in VV. The rising F0 part occurs not only on the voiced consonatal initial or zero-initial, but also on the syllabic vowel of the second syllable. Thus the rising F0 part in the second syllable is perceived. We have discussed that the theory about the tonal perception in speech propounded by D. House ( 1990) can not account for why the upward F0 transition in falling-falling tones of Standard Chinese is not perceived and why the rising F0 part in falling-convex tones of Fuzhou is perceived.